The papers of Woodrow Wilson
|責任表示||Arthur S. Link, editor|
|出版者||Princeton, N.J. : Princeton University Press|
|大きさ||69 v. : ill., facsims., ports. ; 25 cm|
|概要||Beginning with Wilson's tour of Belgium, this volume then moves to the last days of the peace conference. A great wave of relief sweeps over council chambers in Paris when a new German government send... word that it will accept the peace treaty unconditionally: restoration of peace occurs with the signing of the treaty in the Hall of Mirrors in the Palace of Versailles on June 28. That same night Wilson boards his train for Brest to return to the United States on the George Washington. The voyage provides a period of leisure for Wilson, but there are signs that his strength has been strained beyond endurance. On board ship he tries and fails to compose one of the most important speeches of his life--an address to the Senate to accompany his presentation of the treaty to that body. On his return he manages to complete it only hours before delivering it on July 10. And he responds equivocally to the challenge--the greatest in his career as a legislative leader--to create a solid pro-League coalition and outmaneuver his opponent, Henry Cabot Lodge, who seems bent on blocking American membership in the League of Nations. Then, on July 19, Wilson suffers what is most likely a small stroke. It disorients and disables him, and, as this volume ends, he is still without any strategy to assure ratification of the treaty. Publication of Volume 61 ends the Peace Conference Volumes, which began with Volume 53.
The opening of this volume finds Wilson facing domestic and international problems nearly as complex and urgent as those he had faced in Paris a month before. His main task is to assure the Senate's approval of the Treaty of Versailles, but his abilities are severely compromised by what was almost certainly a "small" stroke on July 19. Most Democrats in the Senate will follow Wilson's lead in the controversy over ratification, so his most important potential allies against Senator Lodge are Republican leaders like Taft and about twenty Republican senators, who favor ratification with reservations to be attached to the articles of ratification. Wilson is willing to accept certain interpretive reservations, but he insists that these must not be incorporated in the ratification document. A prime factor in this thinking is his angry reaction to what he perceives to be the continued atavistic imperialism of the Entente Powers and the resulting conviction that only the unqualified leadership of the United States can create a reformist and democratizing League. A pro-League coalition of two thirds of the Senate and victory on nearly all of Wilson's terms are now in sight. Yet, in a fit of anger, he decides on August 25 to embark on a month-long speaking tour on behalf of the League. As this volume ends, Wilson is still struggling with important domestic problems, and he and his party leave for what, in light of his precarious health, will be a journey with disastrous consequences.
This volume opens with Wilson's tour of the Middle West and West to generate popular support for the League of Nations and to force the Senate to consent to the ratification of the Versailles Treaty without any significant reservations to the League Covenant. After the first speech of the tour, in Columbus, Ohio, Wilson travels to Missouri and Minnesota, the Northwest, California, and into the central Rocky Mountain states. His already dangerous hypertension escalates due to his punishing schedule, and he suffers increasingly from headaches, difficulties in breathing, and periods of cardiac arrest. After a stroke warning on September 26, his doctor cancels the remaining speeches, and the presidential special train returns to Washington. Wilson does suffer a stroke on October 2 and nearly dies from a urinary obstruction two weeks later. As he lies ill during October and early November, Tumulty and members of the cabinet carry on the domestic business of the country and deal with a nationwide coal strike. But Wilson will not permit Lansing to take any action on important foreign policy matters. The nation's state of affairs is parlous as the volume ends.
The opening of this volume finds Wilson still severely disabled from the effects of his massive stroke of October 2, 1919, and unable to deal with a nationwide coal strike and a crisis with Mexico. Slowly recovering, he is able to prevent Democratic senators from voting for approval of a version of the Versailles Treaty that contains reservations. He issues his Jackson Day letter of January 8, 1920, and then vacillates between compromise and intransigence on the issue of reservations. In early February, when he gains enough strength to enter the political scene in person, he dismisses Secretary Lansing, threatens to withdraw from European affairs if his demands for an Adriatic settlement are not met, and begins to marshal all his resources to insure that Democratic senators do not compromise on reservations when the Versailles Treaty comes up for a second vote in March. Hitherto unpublished personal records kept by Wilson's associates and medical records, memoranda, and recently accessible letters from the papers of Dr. Grayson shed full light on the exact nature of Wilson's illness and the degree to which it was revealed to the public. This remarkable volume will compel major new revisions in all future accounts of the controversy over the Versailles Treaty and in biographies of Woodrow Wilson.
As this volume begins, controversy over ratification of the Versailles Treaty enters its climactic stage. Wilson, only partly recovered from a stroke, refuses the advice of supporters who beg him to accept Republican reservations in order to put the Treaty through the Senate, and he puts heavy pressure on those Democratic senators who want to consent to reservations. Twenty-one Democrats defy him when the Treaty comes up for a second and final vote on March 19, but their votes, combined with those of Republican reservationists, fall far short of the two-thirds Senate majority necessary for passage of the consent resolution. While Tumulty and the departmental heads carry on the domestic business of the federal government, Wilson follows their recommendations and signs a series of measures that bring various aspects of the progressive movement to fruition: the Transportation Act of 1920, the General Leasing Act, and the Water Power Act. Meanwhile, he devotes most of his strength to foreign affairs. He vetoes the "separate peace" embodied in the Knox Resolution, and the Democrats uphold the veto. In spite of Wilson's wish to run again for president, concern for his health prevails, and the Democrats nominate Governor James M. Cox of Ohio, who names Franklin D. Roosevelt, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, as his running mate. Wilson is deeply depressed, but he blesses the Cox and Roosevelt campaign with all the fervor he can summon.
The opening of this volume finds Wilson with neither the physical strength nor any strong desire to become heavily involved in the coming presidential contest between Cox and Harding. Nevertheless, he cannot remain silent on the single great issue of the campaign--American membership in the League of Nations. Not many people heed Wilson's appeals, however, and on November 2, the voters seemingly repudiate Wilson and all he stands for in a landslide majority for Harding and Coolidge. Meanwhile, Wilson gratefully accepts the decisions of his advisers on domestic affairs, and he generally follows the lead of Bainbridge Colby and Norman Davis on foreign policy, allowing them to draft the necessary correspondence with other governments. However, he maintains daily oversight over the State Department, and makes fundamental policy about the U.S. relationship to the new Soviet regime, Japanese control over the island of Yap, and various issues in Latin American affairs. As the volume ends, Wilson is awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for 1919. With his retirement nearing, the pall of the election results still lies heavily on his circle. Nevertheless, the apotheosis of Woodrow Wilson has already begun, as personal friends and publicists begin to take stock of the Wilson presidency and legacy.
This volume opens on Christmas Eve, 1920, in the waning days of the Wilson administration. Wilson and his advisers have no program other than to bring the administration to a decent end. The Cabinet meets for the last time on March 1, 1921. Emotions run high as various members recall the battles they have fought with their chief, and Wilson, tears rolling down his cheeks, dismisses them with the benediction: "Gentlemen, it is one of the handicaps of my physical condition that I cannot control myself as I've been accustomed to do. God bless you all." The end of the Wilson presidency evokes an outpouring of letters to Wilson and editorials in leading newspapers. These documents review his entire public career, from the presidency of Princeton University to the end of his presidency of the United States, and describe the Wilsonian legacy: high standards of educational and public service, courageous leadership in domestic reform, constancy of principle, and a new vision of the world united for progress, democracy, human rights, and peace. Wilson participates in the formalities preceding Harding's inauguration, and the transition from the White House to a new home on S Street proceeds smoothly. As Wilson's health improves, he forms a law partnership with his former Secretary of State, Bainbridge Colby, and privately seeks political influence, while maintaining absolute silence on affairs of state.
Volume 68 is the last narrative volume in The Papers of Woodrow Wilson, and it concludes with Wilson's death and the ceremonies that marked it. Before that, however, the volume deals with his partial recovery from the aftermath of his stroke of October 2, 1919, and his struggle to produce "The Document," which he intended to use as the Democratic platform in an attempt to win a third presidential term in 1924. During this period Wilson took a strong interest in the success of Democrats and insurgents in wresting control of Congress from the Harding administration in the congressional election of 1922. He looked forward confidently to the presidential election two years hence, remained as convinced as ever of the desirability of American membership in the League of Nations, and received the homage of the crowds who came constantly to his home. Meanwhile, he maintained a voluminous correspondence and stayed in close touch with old colleagues. On January 16 he welcomed the members of the Democratic National Committee and a host of friends in his home. Serious talk in the newspapers about his candidacy in 1924 encouraged him to work on his acceptance speech and a third inaugural address. On January 27 and 28, however, his health suddenly began to fail, and he continued to decline until his peaceful death on February 3, at 11:55 in the morning.
This is the last volume of "The Papers of Woodrow Wilson." It contains not only the cumulative contents and index for Volumes 53 to 68 but also a retrospective essay by the editor. 続きを見る
|V. 61. June 18-July 25, 1919.||中央図 4C_1‐135 [法]||068152189016756||L 30/W/23||1989||
|V. 62. : July 26-Sept. 3, 1919||中央図 4C_1‐135 [法]||068152190007952||L 30/W/23||1990||
|V. 63. : Sept. 4-Nov. 5, 1919||中央図 4C_1‐135 [法]||068152191001466||L 30/W/23||1990||
|V. 64. : Nov. 6, 1919-Feb. 27, 1920.||中央図 4C_1‐135 [法]||068152191011975||L 30/W/23||1991||
|V. 65. : Feb. 28-July 31, 1920||中央図 4C_1‐135 [法]||068152192003474||L 30/W/23||1991||
|V. 66. Aug. 2-Dec. 23, 1920.||中央図 4C_1‐135 [法]||068152192012586||L 30/W/23||1992||
|V. 67. Dec. 24, 1920-Aprul 7, 1922.||中央図 4C_1‐135 [法]||068152192013905||L 30/W/23||1992||
|V. 68. : Apr. 8, 1922-Feb. 6, 1924||中央図 4C_1‐135 [法]||068152192022028||L 30/W/23(6||1993||
|V. 69. : 1918-1924||中央図 4C_1‐135 [法]||068152194008717||L 30/W/23(6||1994||
|一般注記||Contents:v. 61. June 18-July 25, 1919 -- v. 62. July 26-Sep. 3, 1919 -- v. 63. Sep. 4-Nov. 5, 1919 -- v. 64. Nov. 6, 1919-Feb. 27, 1920 -- v. 65. Feb. 28-July 31, 1920 -- v. 66. Aug. 2-Dec. 23, 1920 -- v. 67. Dec. 24, 1920-Apr. 7, 1922 -- v. 68. Apr. 8, 1922-Feb. 6, 1924 -- v. 69. Contents & index, v. 53-68, 1918-1924
"Sponsored by the Woodrow Wilson Foundation and Princeton University."--Facing t.p
Vol. 69 / Phyllis Marchand, indexer ; Anne Cipriano Venzon, indexer and compiler
Includes bibliographical references and indexes
@@@ Vol. 1-60は別書誌 (Vol. 1-30: BA00665743; vol. 31-60: BA12853401)
|著者標目||*Wilson, Woodrow, 1856-1924
Link, Arthur Stanley, 1920-
Woodrow Wilson Foundation
|件 名||LCSH:United States -- History -- 1865- -- Sources
LCSH:United States -- History -- 1913-1921 -- Sources 全ての件名で検索
LCSH:Wilson, Woodrow, 1856-1924
LCSH:Presidents -- United States -- Correspondence 全ての件名で検索
|巻冊次||v. 61 ; ISBN:0691047669
v. 62 ; ISBN:0691047677
v. 63 ; ISBN:0691047758
v. 64 ; ISBN:069104791X
v. 65 ; ISBN:0691047928
v. 66 ; ISBN:0691047987
v. 67 ; ISBN:0691047995
v. 68 ; ISBN:0691048037
v. 69 ; ISBN:0691048126