| 作成者 |
|
| 本文言語 |
|
| 出版者 |
|
|
|
| 発行日 |
|
| 収録物名 |
|
| 巻 |
|
| 開始ページ |
|
| 終了ページ |
|
| 出版タイプ |
|
| アクセス権 |
|
| JaLC DOI |
|
| 関連DOI |
|
|
|
|
|
| 関連URI |
|
|
|
|
|
| 関連情報 |
|
|
|
|
|
| 概要 |
It is well known that in Wu Chinese, there exists a type of tone sandhi that deletes tones from non-initial syllables and spreads the remaining tones to the whole word. In Suzhou dialect, a dialect of... Wu Chinese, there is another type of tone sandhi, named pattern substitution, which alternates underlying tonal patterns of initial syllables with other tonal patterns. Masuda (2011) tried to show that pattern substitution in Suzhou dialect is not lexically determined, or in other words it is not the remnant of historical tonal alternation, but is caused by synchronic rules. He also presented the forms that these rules take. However, data of his work are restricted to words that do not include a syllable whose coda is a glottal stop, that is, Ru syllable, so pattern substitution in words that include a Ru syllable remains unexplained. This study examines novel loanwords created by the author with the Ru syllable as the first syllable. The result shows that pattern substitution is observed in these loanwords, although its realization is different from words which do not include Ru syllables. This finding supports the view that pattern substitution in Suzhou dialect is caused by the rules presented in Masuda (2011).続きを見る
|
| 目次 |
1.はじめに 2.トーン交替規則 3.調査1 4.入声音節で始まる3音節語 5.調査2 6.パターン代入規則の成立過程 7.おわりに
|
Mendeley出力
